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There are some crucial details which mitigate this pronouncement when it comes to the GMU case, which are dealt with in a footnote. Secondly, for most economists, there are no such things as conflicts of interest, at least when it comes to economic thinking. They regularly declare with ardor that no one is compromising their pronouncements or perverting their beliefs for money. Years ago, I documented this attitude with regard to the culpability of economists for the Great Crash of , even in the face of embarrassments such as the scathing portrayal of certain figures in the documentary Inside Job , or the prospect of a code of ethics for economists by the American Economics Association AEA , a point to which I will return.

Third, the orthodox economist would be inclined point out that all potential donors, just like all fledgling academics, possess their own prior interests and convictions, which will be subject to further selection one way or another.


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It is not the money that makes the difference in the larger scheme of things. Money as such never taints the well of human inquiry, or so most economists postulate. That sounds like something most economists would voluntarily support in any event, independent of whomever was fronting the funding. But, just as in the previous cases, this ignores the actual content of the doctrines that the Koch brothers, as well as that of many of their fellow travelers and cooperating philanthropists, [5] seek to promote through their initiatives.

It will come as no surprise to realize that public education is being brutally weaned from state support across the developed world in the recent past, and that private funding has been touted as the deliverance for cash-strapped universities. In this regard, it is pivotal to realize the significance of the fact that George Mason University is a public and not a private university. Far from being a mere shifting of sources of sustenance, this trend itself constitutes one of the prime prescriptions of the political doctrine that motivates the Kochs, namely, neoliberalism.

One of their central doctrines relevant to the current controversy is their belief that an efficient market is one that processes and validates information, and conveys it to the appropriate agents when and where they need it. Human knowledge is thus first and foremost a market phenomenon. A direct consequence of this doctrine is that the state should not control public education: the purpose of education is the personal accumulation of human capital, and not the creation of the common denominator of an educated citizenry.

Knowledge is paltry if not put up for sale, as they see it. It is a world where people of means can freely buy the kinds of doctrines that they wish to be conveyed to the young, without being coy or ambagious about it. This explains why the Kochs are willing to conduct their negotiations with universities in secret, to carry out their stipulations through cutouts and hard to trace intermediaries and foundations, to package their offers with other rich and anonymous donors en banc and to impose conditions upon their bequests that effectively neutralize all previous principles of academic freedom in the long run.

There is a different implication of neoliberal conceptions of knowledge, and that extends to the ideas which constitute the microeconomic orthodoxy. Once information was introduced into the standard pricing model, it was discovered there was no single correct way to formalize epistemology.

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Through a sequence of different models, the profession moved from the agent as capable of super-cognition, to the portrait of the agent as a flawed vessel for knowledge, offset by a neoliberal notion of the market as super-information processor. Viens m essayer zouk paroles chansons Viens m essayer zouk paroles chansons essay 26 january blizzard machiavelli feared or loved essay helpEnglish essay sentence starters for persuasive essays essay on diwali in gujarati sibelius symphonies analysis essay.


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    In addition to being funded by the Charles G. Dudley , former director of the Regulatory Studies program. Both Gramm and Dudley have held government positions where they have crusaded against regulations aimed at protecting the environment.

    In , the OMB drew up a "hit list" of existing federal environmental regulations it believes should be changed or rescinded of which 44 had been suggested by the Mercatus Center. According to the Los Angeles Times, Dudley was one of three people previously blocked by Congress from holding environment-related positions "because of their pro-industry views.

    Copyrights Are Not Property! (And Other Silly Sophistry) - Office of Copyright

    Medicare-for-All is a plan that would replace the usual costs associated with health care -- premiums, deductibles, and co-pays -- with a tax. Health care would then be free at the point of service, paid for through the government. In July of , nineteen U. Senators delivered a series of speeches denouncing climate change denial from 32 organizations with links to fossil-fuel interests, including the Mercatus Center.

    Whitehouse RI-D , who led the effort to expose "the web of denial" said in his remarks on the floor that the purpose was to,.

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    The Washington Post reported that while Google was being investigated for antitrust violations, the company funded conferences at George Mason University, where the Mercatus Center is hosted, at which "leading technology and legal experts forcefully rejected the need for the government to take action against Google" in front of an audience that included FTC officials, members of Congress, and Justice Department officials. As of June [8]. ALEC is a corporate bill mill.

    It is not just a lobby or a front group; it is much more powerful than that.